quarta-feira, 5 de junho de 2013

Praça Taksim: protestos em Istambul pelo direito à cidade

Praça Taksim: protestos em Istambul pelo direito à cidade


Publicado em 04/06/13 por 
Nos últimos dias, tenho procurado acompanhar a cobertura dos meios de comunicação sobre os protestos que estão ocorrendo em Istambul, na Turquia. Infelizmente, as notícias, em geral, não têm apontado as verdadeiras origens da manifestação. Referem-se a um protesto ambientalista contra a demolição de um parque e de suas árvores históricas, ou contra a corrupção da indústria da construção civil, como li no portal de um importante jornal inglês, ou, ainda, como a imprensa europeia e norte-americana têm enfatizado, contra a radicalização da islamização no país, com a adoção de medidas como a proibição da venda de bebidas alcoólicas e do beijo em público.
No dia 27 de maio, de fato, dezenas de pessoas ocuparam o Parque Gezi, que faz parte da Praça Taksim, a maior área pública do tipo no país, em protesto contra a demolição do parque e a construção de um shopping center no local. Desde que foi anunciado, o projeto foi questionado por vários setores da população contrários a sua implementação. Não havendo canais de diálogo, e diante da iminente demolição do parque, não houve outra saída senão a resistência no próprio local, com acampamentos e protestos. A desmedida repressão policial não apenas fez crescer a manifestação – no dia seguinte, milhares de pessoas somaram-se a ela – como também chamou a atenção internacional para a situação. Na manhã do dia 30, a polícia agiu novamente, tocando fogo nas barracas dos manifestantes e lançando gás lacrimogêneo e de pimenta sobre eles. Várias pessoas ficaram feridas e, até onde se sabe, duas morreram.
Na verdade, a transformação da Praça Taksim foi a gota d’água de uma série de projetos adotados pelo governo de Istambul, que têm transformado radicalmente o tecido sócio-territorial da cidade e contra os quais a população tem resistido. Particularmente grave, por exemplo, tem sido o “Sulukule”, projeto de renovação urbana que deslocou moradores tradicionais de áreas centrais para as periferias, além de uma série de privatizações de espaços públicos de uma cidade que tradicionalmente vive as ruas. Contra esse processo, desde 2005 um movimento pelo direito à cidade, inicialmente constituído por profissionais ligados à temática urbana e pessoas afetadas pelas remoções foi ganhando apoio e momentum, até que em maio explodiu a ocupação da Praça Taksim.
O que estamos vendo é, portanto, uma grande manifestação pelo direito à cidade. Mas depois da forte repressão policial, os protestos transformaram-se em mais do que isso… tornaram-se também uma manifestação por liberdade de expressão e contra violações de direitos humanos. Ainda não se sabe como se resolverá o conflito – esperamos que o governo abra urgentemente canais de diálogo com os manifestantes –, mas o fato é que, cada vez mais, fica claro que um modelo de desenvolvimento urbano voltado fundamentalmente para abrir espaços para investimentos imobiliários – em suas vastas conexões com os circuitos financeiros internacionais – está sendo questionado em todo o mundo.

Las pancartas y pintadas de #Gezipark | Entretierras

Las pancartas y pintadas de #Gezipark | Entretierras

Menú del día 1) Democracia avanzada 2) Gas pimienta 3) Gas naranja Menú alternativo: Mucha más libertad
Menú del día
1) Democracia avanzada
2) Gas pimienta
3) Gas naranja
Menú alternativo:
Mucha más libertad


liberação carregando...entretierras

domingo, 2 de junho de 2013

Erdogan's Dilemma - By Sinan Ulgen | The Middle East Channel

Erdogan's Dilemma - By Sinan Ulgen | The Middle East Channel

The demonstrations started in Istanbul a few days ago. The initial objective was to protect the park in Taksim, Istanbul's central square, from being demolished and replaced by a shopping mall. But the police intervened with excessive force against a peaceful assembly, liberally using tear gas to disperse protesters. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan stated that the project will go ahead regardless of the "few" people that oppose it. As a result, this local dispute was unexpectedly transformed into a city and then a nation-wide mass demonstration against his polarizing style.
The mass protests should be seen as a reaction against the ruling AKP and Prime Minister Erdogan's style of majoritarian governance. By cementing a pro-government majority and avoiding consensus on sensitive issues, Erdogan's political strategy has polarized Turkish society. This majoritarian approach to decision-making has worked well for him so far. He not only succeeded in setting the agenda for the country, but he also increased his popular support over three successive elections. But it now seems that this style of governance has reached the limit of Turkish society's tolerance. The recent adoption of a law on alcohol that significantly impedes the marketing, sales and consumption of alcoholic drinks had already stirred a debate in Turkey about the government's negligence to take into account the sensitivities of Turkey's non-conservatives. Moreover, Erdogan's defense of the law by referencing religious principles only served to provoke the law's secular opponents. Instead the decision to transform a public park in the central square of Istanbul into a shopping mall became the rallying theme for many Turks to demonstrate their dissatisfaction with Erdogan's leadership.
Compared to past rallies in Turkey's democratic history, this week's events stand out for a number of reasons. First, the mass demonstrations are against the non-participatory style of decision-making adopted by the Erdogan government, but they are not ideological. They have not been hijacked or led by any single political party or ideology, as the protesters hail from disparate backgrounds and represent the rich diversity of Turkish society. They are composed of youth, women, football club supporters, trade unionists, college students, NGO activists and urban professionals.
Second, there is for the first time a sense of empowerment against a government that has dominated the political scene for the past decade. This sense of popular empowerment stands in stark contrast with the dismal performance of Turkey's parliamentary opposition. The oft-made comparisons to the Tahrir demonstrations are not correct. Turkey is a democracy and there is no call for regime change like in Egypt. The only overlap with Tahrir remains this immense sense of empowerment and emancipation by the ordinary citizens that have seen the impact they can have on the political system if they act in unison.
And then there is the media. Turkey's mainstream media has become the laughing stock of the country. While Istanbul was burning with tear gas, Turkish TV channels were busy broadcasting documentaries, cooking shows or soap operas. The Saturday edition of the pro-government major daily Sabah has not mentioned the events. The government imposed a blackout and the widespread self-censorship further discredited the mainstream media in the eyes of the Turkish public, which turned to international media outlets or to social media to follow the events on their streets. Indeed, one clear winner has been social media. Many Turks rushed to Twitter and the like to witness the rallies in real time. According to a study conducted by NYU's Social Media and Political Participation Laboratory, the social media response to and the role of social media in the protests has been phenomenal. Within a window of 24 hours, at least 2 million tweets mentioning hashtags related to the protest, have been posted. Even after midnight on Friday, more than 3,000 tweets about the protest were published every minute.
The way forward is, however, unclear. Erdogan conceded a small victory on Saturday to the protesters by withdrawing the police forces from Taksim square and admitting to their excessive use of force. But more defiantly, he reiterated his willingness to proceed with the disputed Taksim square reconstruction project. Yet regardless of how the events unfold in the coming days, there are two conclusions that can be drawn even now from this episode of unplanned and yet massive protest movements that shook one of Europe's largest cities: one is the glaring need to fundamentally restructure the media in Turkey; and the other the urgency of behavioral change in Erdogan's leadership style.
The blatant failure of the Turkish press to fulfill, even minimally, its role to report events harms the progress of democracy in Turkey. Consequently, new measures should be legislated, such as forcing media companies to shed their non-media activities, to ensure that the independence of the media can be re-established and maintained. Another set of rules should focus on  safeguarding media pluralism.
Although they do not represent an immediate threat to Erdogan's rule in Turkey, these mass protests should nonetheless be taken seriously by the Turkish Prime Minister. Many Turks have grown increasingly disaffected with the top-down, non-inclusive style of decision-making that has characterized the later years of the Erdogan government. They are tired of polarization and strive for more consensual politics. Erdogan needs to understand this yearning and adopt a more conciliatory mode of leadership.
But possibly even more important for Turkey's future political stability is the increasingly visible gap on the acceptable forms of dissent between the Turkish leadership and society. Erdogan seems genuinely to believe that mass protests have no place in a country administered by a strong, stable and economically successful government. He emphasizes the ballot box as the venue for social and political stakeholders to show their disaffection with the government. "Every four years we hold elections and this nation makes its choice," he said on Saturday.  "Those who have a problem with government's policies can express their opinions within the framework of law and democracy." But with its maturing and increasingly pluralistic civil society, Turkey has moved beyond this more limited definition of democratic freedoms. The Turkish political leadership, including the Parliamentary opposition, have to readjust their outlook. Otherwise with the newly found sense of empowerment of its citizenry, public turbulence in Turkey will become much more common.

Sinan Ulgen is the chairman of the Istanbul based EDAM think tank and a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe. His Twitter handle is @sinanulgen1

What is Happenning in Istanbul? | İnsanlik Hali

What is Happenning in Istanbul? | İnsanlik Hali

Occupy Gezi Protest - Beylikdüzü / İstanbul

The Banality of ‘Don’t Be Evil’ by Julian Assange - NYTimes.com

The Banality of ‘Don’t Be Evil’ by Julian Assange - NYTimes.com

“THE New Digital Age” is a startlingly clear and provocative blueprint for technocratic imperialism, from two of its leading witch doctors, Eric Schmidt and Jared Cohen, who construct a new idiom for United States global power in the 21st century. This idiom reflects the ever closer union between the State Department and Silicon Valley, as personified by Mr. Schmidt, the executive chairman of Google, and Mr. Cohen, a former adviser to Condoleezza Rice and Hillary Clinton who is now director of Google Ideas. (...) 
ver texto completo no link

the Sound of Protest - Istanbul 01-06-2013

Land of Figs and Olives

Land of Figs and Olives
link aqui
uma análise sobre a situação partidária e relação de forças políticas na Turquia, via Tumblr purplefigtree

domingo, 26 de maio de 2013

Monsanto: A Beginners Guide to the World’s Most Dangerous Corporation | Truth in a foreign language

Monsanto: A Beginners Guide to the World’s Most Dangerous Corporation | Truth in a foreign language

Como viver junto |

Como viver junto |
entrar no link
"O conceito de como viver juntos para Barthes não apresenta uma fusão em si em que nós homens deixaríamos nossas diferenças e concepções de lado para formarmos uma ideologia única, uniforme, homogênea e linear, que nos uniria a fim de melhorar as condições e as relações do homem com seu semelhante, mas sim uma idéia de distância. Viver junto, no caso não é uma relação espacial, ou mesmo sócio – política, não significa compartilhar lugares, opiniões e sentimentos, mas sim aceitar e respeitar o próximo. Essa é a idéia de distância que colocamos, a aceitação do próximo e de suas concepções não a união ou submissão social de nossas crenças. Viver junto assim passa a ser a negociação e administração da distância em si. Viver junto torna-se a idioritmia exposta, como integrar o ritmo pessoal do indivíduo ao ritmo social e suas discrepâncias que por muito dificultam a convivência pessoal.""" Michel Amary Neto

10 casos de activismo social en la que el internet tuvo un papel clave - PC World México

10 casos de activismo social en la que el internet tuvo un papel clave - PC World México

(www.pcworld.com.mx) - Aquí hay 10 casos en los que la gente combinó las redes sociales y el activismo para provocar los cambios que buscaban. Los casos van desde la detención de la ley SOPA hasta las acciones del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional. Algunos casos tuvieron éxito, otros no tanto. Los activistas de todo el mundo han convertido a los blogs, Facebook, Twitter y YouTube en una herramienta para ayudar al cambio social y empresarial.

Los activistas de todo el mundo han convertido a los blogs, Facebook, Twitter y YouTube en una herramienta para ayudar al cambio social y empresarial.

Las recientes protestas en línea contra los dos proyectos de ley contra la piratería que están pendientes ante el Congreso, representan sólo el último de ejemplo de cómo el internet  esuna herramienta para el activismo social. A principios de este mes las organizaciones y empresas en línea, tales como Craigslist, Google, Mozilla, Reddit, y Wikipedia bloquearon el acceso a sus sitios en protesta contra la Ley de la piratería SOPA y la Ley de Protección de IP (PIPA). Los críticos dicen que los dos proyectos de ley dañarían el libre flujo de información en Internet e impedirían la innovación en línea.

Como resultado de las protestas, más de 162 millones de personas vieron la página de Wikipedia offilne a modo de protesta, 4.5 millones de personas firmaron la petición de Google anti-SOPA/PIPA, y muchos políticos de los EE.UU. (entre ellos el presidente Barack Obama) mostraron su apoyo a los proyectos de ley. La semana pasada el Congreso puso a SOPA y PIPA en espera y reconsideración gracias a la protesta pública. Este es sólo un ejemplo que el internet se ha convertido en una herramienta de colectividad que puede comunicar y unir a masas con una sola idea. Veamos 10 de los casos más grandes, algunos tuvieron éxito y otros no.

Chiapanecos digitales: 1994
El portavoz del EZLN, el Subcomandante Marcos, organizó una toma armada de cuatro ciudades en el estado de Chiapas, una zona rica en recursos naturales. El EZLN protestó sobre la explotación del gobierno de Chiapas ya que casi ningún beneficio iba dirigido a los pueblos indígenas de la región.

Para promover sus objetivos políticos el EZLN utilizó listas de correo electrónico, grupos de Usenet, y numerosos sitios web para ayudar a distribuir su mensaje revolucionario. A finales de 1990, el Electronic Disturbance Theater, un grupo hacker simpatizantes del EZLN, también llevaron a cabo protestas virtuales con ataques de denegación de servicio contra sitios web del gobierno de EE.UU. y México, según el New York Times. El uso de herramientas en línea para promover objetivos políticos del EZLN parece ser uno de los primeros ejemplos de activismo en línea.
Resultado:
Eficaz. Para ese tiempo México apenas estaba dando sus primeros pasos reales en Internet y aún así logró darles un uso efectivo.


El Movimiento Antisecurity o # AntiSec (Anónimo):  1999-Presente?  
El movimiento AntiSec es un caso especialmente polémico del activismo en línea. Este grupo de hackers anónimos llamado LulzSec ha bloqueado varios sitios web y publicó los datos robados de tarjetas de crédito, mensajes de correo electrónico y otros datos personales en lo que ellos ven como esfuerzos por denunciar la corrupción.

El grupo ha pasado de víctimas tan variadas como la Policía del Estado de Arizona, el sistema de tránsito rápido de San Francisco, la seguridad de la firma consultora Booz Allen, y la empresa de seguridad HBGary Federal. Más recientemente en conjunto con Anonymous atacó los sitios web del Departamento de Justicia de EE.UU., la Asociación de la Industria Discográfica de Estados Unidos, y Universal Music, en represalia por el cierre de Megaupload.

Resultado:
Regular. Han realizado varios ataques efectivos, pero no han hecho grandes cambios sociales.


Protesta en el árbol: 2002-2003
La activista Jeny Card pasó 361 días desde principios de 2002 sobre un antiguo árbol de secoya de 130 pies llamado "Jerry" en Agua Dulce, California, para protestar contra la tala de los viejos bosques primarios. Su protesta duró cerca de 12 meses y Card utilizó una PC portátil con Debian Linux y una tarjeta inalámbrica de banda ancha para contar en su blog su experiencia, desde luego, era ayudada para poder recargar su laptop. Durante el plantón del árbol informó en su blog que ella fue testigo de indiferencia corporativa, vio el maltrato policial sobre manifestantes no violentos y experimentó los peligros de una tormenta eléctrica en la copa del árbol. Card fue sacada por la fuerza de "Jerry" en marzo de 2003.

Resultado: Algo eficaz. Pudo lograr su cometido por casi un año y logró dar a conocer sus propósitos y crónicas gracias al Internet.
 
 

(...) ver texto link/ ver no link

Egipto: Febrero 2011
El invierno ruso "Primavera": Invierno 2011/2012
Movimiento Ocupar: Otoño de 2011 a la actualidad
 
 

El cambio social con herramientas digitales

El último caso fue la detención de la ley SOPA y ley PIPA. Gracias a internet grandes y pequeños en el ciberespacio nos unimos para detener esta ley que desde un principio daba tintes de no poder frenar en verdad a la piratería. Asimismo, ahora es mucho más fácil enterarnos de abusos de cualquier tipo y llamar a la opinión pública con sólo hacer unos cuantos clics. Sin duda internet y las redes sociales se están convirtiendo en una herramienta de colectividad que nos llevará a movimientos que posiblemente ahora no podremos imaginar.
 

terça-feira, 9 de abril de 2013

SeAlquila.: Convocatoria SeAlquila Mercado

SeAlquila.: Convocatoria SeAlquila Mercado
El término:
MERCADO (Del lat. Mercātus)
1. Contratación pública en lugar destinado al efecto y en días señalados. Aquí hay mercado los martes.
2. Sitio público destinado permanentemente, o en días señalados, para vender, comprar o permutar bienes o servicios.
3. Concurrencia de gente en un mercado. El mercado se alborotó.
4. Conjunto de actividades realizadas libremente por los agentes económicos sin intervención del poder público.
5. Conjunto de operaciones comerciales que afectan a un determinado sector de bienes.
6. Plaza o país de especial importancia o significación en un orden comercial cualquiera.
7. Conjunto de consumidores capaces de comprar un producto o servicio.
8. Estado y evolución de la oferta y la demanda en un sector económico dado.
~ negro.
1. Tráfico clandestino de divisas monetarias o mercancías no autorizadas o escasas en el mercado, a precios superiores a los legales.
hacer el ~.
1. loc. verb. Comprar lo necesario para el consumo doméstico.

Los participantes:
En esta ocasión invitamos a creadoras y creadores de cualquier disciplina (pintura, escultura, fotografía, instalación, ilustración, edición, diseño, vídeo, música, teatro, danza, cine, moda, arte sonoro, artesanía, performances, literatura, net art, arquitectura, gastronomía o cualquier manifestación de la cultura contemporánea) a que propongan trabajos relacionados con cualquiera de las acepciones o interpretaciones de la palabra "mercado".
 
a data era 6 de abril...

sábado, 30 de março de 2013

Felix Guattari: Nós chamamos de comunismo



“O comunismo é criação e reconhecimento de novos modos de vida comunitários e libertação da singularidade. Comunidade e singularidade não se opõem. A edificação do mundo novo não opõe os processos de singularização ao enriquecimento das potencialidades coletivas. (...)”
“O comunismo não é coletivismo cego, redutor, repressivo. É a expressão singular do devir produtivo de coletividades que não são redutíveis, ‘relacionáveis’ umas com as outras. E este devir implica ele próprio um questionamento contínuo, uma defesa, um reforço, uma amplificação, uma reafirmação permanente desse caráter de singularização. O comunismo, de qualquer modo, não saberia ser reduzido a uma adesão ideológica, a um simples contrato jurídico, a um igualitarismo abstrato (...)”. Felix Guattari. Nós chamamos de comunismo In. Novos espaços da liberdade. (...).

segunda-feira, 25 de março de 2013

Crowd-Funding Meets Peer-To-Peer At Hamburg’s Neighborhood’s University


Crowd-Funding Meets Peer-To-Peer At Hamburg’s Neighborhood’s University
“A DIY low-budget high-quality community-run luxury-hotel and ‘university as a marketplace’ in the neighborhood”? Many trending keywords in a raw, one great crowd-funded peer-to-peer project!
Four years ago the Urban Design department of the HCU-Hamburg took the initiative to turn an old, abandoned building in Hamburg’s Wilhelmsburg district into a Neighbourhood’s University. By using the department’s expertise and knowledge in the fields of education, low-budget architecture, locally embedded economy, re- and up-cycling of materials and social engagement in the neighbourhood as well as volunteer spirit and passion, the team managed to create a space that can host workshops, seminars, research activities and housing.

The vision of the building’s re-use and regeneration doesn’t end here. The initiators decided to merge the already existing academic perspective and use of the building with that of a hotel, and create the Neighborhood’s University ‘Hotel Wilhelmsburg’. The new function will serve as a “spatial and functional extension of the UdN”. Thus, it would be possible to advance this working space into a co-creating one. What is more, by adding a local entrepreneurial initiative within a volunteer academic concept it would be possible to create a connecting link between the local community and the developing hub.
 
The dual development and use of the space derived from the challenges and research questions that the academic team has stated in the beginning of their project: “(W)hat does “Quality” mean under the aspect of low-budget conditions?” and “(H)ow can “dwelling as a practice” be understood regarding changing conditions of demography, economy, migration and environment?”. By adopting an embedded research design and thus managing to deal on a face-to-face level with the local issues, the initiators came up with the realization of this bottom-up and somehow DIY development project. It should be mentioned that the final design for the accommodation addition to the building has derived from a series of workshops and co-design sessions.
Another very interesting aspect of the project, except for its architectural concept and realization, is that the initiators of the Neighborhood’s University established a crowd-funding and peer-to-peer campaign. It could be argued that their campaign is mainly aiming on the latter one, as it invites people of any field, who are willing to offer their skills, to participate in the co-design and building processes. Following two major urbanism trends (check here and here), the research group is about to prove that low budget conditions can lead to high quality development results with an important outcome for the local community as well. Their goal is to prompt local actors to participate not only in the realization process, but also in the future daily operation of the hotel.
The initiative’s goal to put radical pragmatism into test is a really intriguing one. The building and organizational processes of the accommodation facility as well as its further development to a multifunctional space make this project a keep-an-eye-on urbanism project.

Read more: http://popupcity.net/2013/03/crowd-funding-meets-peer-to-peer-at-hamburgs-neighborhoods-university/#ixzz2OZysEGSX
Under Creative Commons License: Attribution Non-Commercial


Read more: http://popupcity.net/2013/03/crowd-funding-meets-peer-to-peer-at-hamburgs-neighborhoods-university/#ixzz2OZyln6KR
Under Creative Commons License: Attribution Non-Commercial

Read more: http://popupcity.net/2013/03/crowd-funding-meets-peer-to-peer-at-hamburgs-neighborhoods-university/#ixzz2OZycdDet
Under Creative Commons License: Attribution Non-Commercial

Read more: http://popupcity.net/2013/03/crowd-funding-meets-peer-to-peer-at-hamburgs-neighborhoods-university/#ixzz2OZyXgwOW
Under Creative Commons License: Attribution Non-Commercial


Read more: http://popupcity.net/2013/03/crowd-funding-meets-peer-to-peer-at-hamburgs-neighborhoods-university/#ixzz2OZySsdp4
Under Creative Commons License: Attribution Non-Commercial

ver link _

domingo, 3 de março de 2013

Dois livros, muitos Negris

Dois livros, muitos Negris

Resenha dupla de SERSANTE, Mimmo. Il ritmo delle lotte. La pratica teorica di Antonio Negri. (ombre corte, 2012) e MURPHY, Timothy S. Antonio Negri. Modernity and the Multitude. (polity, 2012). texto completo no link que leva ao quadrado dos loucos...

sexta-feira, 1 de março de 2013

molecular becoming - christoph brunner - Part 2

molecular becoming - christoph brunner - Part 2

While reading in parallel two fairly important texts for my work: Deleuze’s talk “What is the Creative Act?” and Toni Negri’s collection of letters published in English as Art & Multitude I feel compelled to juxtapose them with the aim to work out resonances and productive dissonances. A general statement of Negri provides the fundament:
“Art, as we have said, is labour, living labour, and therefore invention of singularity, of singular figures and objects, linguistic expression, invention of sings. There, in this first movement are lodged potenza of the subject in action, the subject’s capacity to deepen knowledge to the point of reinventing the world. But this expressive act only achieves beauty and the absolute when the signs and the language through which it expresses itself transform themselves into community, when they are embraced and contained within a common project. The beautiful in an invention of singularity which circulates and reveals itself as common in a multiplicity of subjects who participate in the construction of the world. The beautiful is not the act of imagining, but an imagination that has become action. Art, in this sense, is multitude” (xii)
In this paragraph Negri condenses the founding principles to establish art as a creative and political act of a multitude. Three important blocks occur at this intersection: 1) The function of living labour as production,2) the potenza lodged in the expressive act of a subject in action, and 3) Beauty as expressive act through a community, i.e. art as expressive act of the multitude. The repeated critique on the concept of multitude is going to be sidelined in what follows, since the concept of the collective takes a more prominent role in my work on Simondon. Another difficult part that I am dealing with in another place is the role of the subject in relation to action or the expressive act. Even though it might seem like Negri and Deleuze conceive of a subject as the locus of creation in both texts that are discussed here, I deem their concept of the subject closer to Guattari’s notion of the production of subjectivity. Hence, subjectivity is a process of creation where acts become expressive but alsways already as a collective that assembles the subjective form of an event. Such a notion of the subjective form refers to Alfred North Whitehead for whom the subjective form is the expressive moment of an event before it perishes, it is concrescence.
For Negri it is crucial to abandon a notion of the natural as separate from the human. What he calls abstraction defines the state of encounter with “nature” as always already artificially shaped by human presence. This general state is lodged in the overall transformation of labour from abstract to immaterial labour as bottom-line of his work with Michael Hardt. For Negri “living labour is nothing but immaterial production, whether it is intellectual or affective” (xiii). Enmeshed in workings of abstraction the subject and in particular the human subject cannot be accounted for as natural.
Both, Deleuze and Negri point out the importance of a necessity or the work/labour that emerges out of a struggle. For Deleuze in relation to philosophy this means not to engage with thinking in general but to invent and create concepts. In a similar way, Negri points out that the work of constitution has to engage with what he considers as the “truth of the factitious” (3). This truth is not a hermeneutic truth but a truth that is constituted by and through the real. The real is not an empirical matter of fact but rather to speak with Deleuze and Latour a transcendental-empirical matter of concern. Negri considers ontological experience “as a truth of abstraction, and the recognition of this as a condition of experience” (5). In other words, for Negri the constitution of truth as factitious means that truth will be always constituted by means of abstraction. Abstraction defines not a pure transcendentality but manifests abstraction as a mode of existence (I will at greater length deal with the notion of “modes of existence” through the work of Gilbert Simondon an Étienne Souriau in a later post and in my PhD-Thesis).
The potential of an anthropomorphizing notion of the subject shifts once we address the process of constitution as partaking in seeking the real. The real is always synthetic as Isabelle Stengers would probably say. As such the seeking of the real is not a desire for final truth. As Negri says: “There are no longer natural determinisms or historical vestiges, nor finality of fulfillments which hold: the space has become entirely a-teleological” (11). To seek the real means to seek it “until it falls into our hands: an encounter, an event” (10). Hence, it is not a final real but a singularity as part of a wider collective that is defined as the quality of art as living labour for Negri: “The abstract is the sole community in which we exist” (11). Such an abstract defines part of Negri’s use of the concept of multitude. Labour, so my own interpretation, is not necessarily only a human concept. How could it be solely human if the human itself does not hold sway as a natural entity? If the human defines an individual or an individual of labour it would lose its factitious mode of existence. From this perspective, labour is not human as such but a collective abstract process with tendencies towards autonomous production. This mode of production defines what Negri calls the beautiful as collective act, an imagination that has become action. Imagination, again, has to be regarded as synthetic and factitious. It is not human but abstract and therefore collective.
For Negri a truth that will be constituted moves trough processes of empirical traces. He proposes: “So let us begin by putting together the most simple things. Both the space of our habitat and the time of our conscience require objects in relation to which we can re-take the measure of our life” (10/11, my emphasis). The objects might be the creation of works of art. Art does not have to be a physical object but marks a mode of existence. Its presence has an incurrence into the ontological experience of the event. Negri defines the abstract as collective. This mode of collectivity is a pre-individual and potential one. For what comes along as abstract might be also called the “autonomy of affect” (Massumi 2002)[1]. The autonomy of affect as the abstract collective relational bond for potentiality to surface in its actual effects requires another component as helpmate to its emergence: space-time. Talking about the differences between philosophy, art and science, Deleuze evokes their common limit as space-time: “All of these disciplines communicate at the level of something that never emerges for its own sake, but is engaged in every creative discipline: the formation of space-time” (Deleuze 2007, 320). Deleuze extends the linking collectivity of abstraction towards its potential holding together in space-time through different modes of expression (which is another notion for disciplines). The seeking as encounter or event is a shock in a double sense: A virtual shock as much as an actual shock neither of them coming in first but both vibrating across their continuum. A shock occurring in space-times delimiting and at the same time populating the limits with potentials. Such is the creative practice that does not allow to speak of creation as such but only to “speak in the name of … creation” (320). To speak in the name of creation accounts for the act of creation as autonomous, as part of an abstraction of living labour. In that sense, as Deleuze alludes to Malreaux “art is the only thing that resists death” (328). To resists death means to engage in the process of constitution of a truth as a collective matter of concern. Negri’s conception of the multitude aims at dealing with the singularity of each mode of existence and their potential for a transindividual force of expression. Only through that abstract collectivity a work of art might achieve beauty, not as the beautiful opposed to the ugly but as a felt increase of potential for a different future to come. Such a collectivity requires always a struggle and a crisis, the continuous movement of thought, a pragmatics of of discomfort, a discomfort that does not stop to ask questions, similar to the idiot invoked by Deleuze and one of Stenger’s main protagonists. Such a struggle defines the relation between the human and the work of art expressed through Deleuze referring to Paul Klee as the people that are missing: “The people are missing means that the fundamental affinity between a work of art and a people that does not yet exist, will never be clear. There is no work of art that does not call on a people who does not yet exist” (329).
[1] Brian Massumi  grants affect an autonomous state to avoid any one-to-one mapping of affect and effect or affect and emotion. Affect exists but autonomously incurs into actual occasions (events) without pre-defining its actual effects. Without affect’s autonomous state, there would be no elbow-room for novelty (Massumi 2002, 23-45).
Deleuze, Gilles, “What is the Creative Act?,” in Two Regimes of Madness, Cambridge Mass.: Semiotext(e), 317-329.
Massumi, Brian. Parables for the Virtual: Movement, Affect, Sensation. Durham/London: Duke University Press, 2002, 23-45.
Negri, Toni. Art & Multitude. Cambridge: Polity, 2008.

Rules for Radicals - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Rules for Radicals - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


RULE 1: “Power is not only what you have, but what the enemy thinks you have.” Power is derived from 2 main sources – money and people. “Have-Nots” must build power from flesh and blood.
  • RULE 2: “Never go outside the expertise of your people.” It results in confusion, fear and retreat. Feeling secure adds to the backbone of anyone.
  • RULE 3: “Whenever possible, go outside the expertise of the enemy.” Look for ways to increase insecurity, anxiety and uncertainty.
  • RULE 4: “Make the enemy live up to its own book of rules.” If the rule is that every letter gets a reply, send 30,000 letters. You can kill them with this because no one can possibly obey all of their own rules.
  • RULE 5: “Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon.” There is no defense. It’s irrational. It’s infuriating. It also works as a key pressure point to force the enemy into concessions.
  • RULE 6: “A good tactic is one your people enjoy.” They’ll keep doing it without urging and come back to do more. They’re doing their thing, and will even suggest better ones.
  • RULE 7: “A tactic that drags on too long becomes a drag.” Don’t become old news.
  • RULE 8: “Keep the pressure on. Never let up.” Keep trying new things to keep the opposition off balance. As the opposition masters one approach, hit them from the flank with something new.
  • RULE 9: “The threat is usually more terrifying than the thing itself.” Imagination and ego can dream up many more consequences than any activist.
  • RULE 10: "The major premise for tactics is the development of operations that will maintain a constant pressure upon the opposition." It is the unceasing pressure that will result in the reaction of the opposition that is essential for the success of the campaign.
  • RULE 11: “If you push a negative hard enough, it will push through and become a positive.” Violence from the other side can win the public to your side because the public sympathizes with the underdog.
  • RULE 12: “The price of a successful attack is a constructive alternative.” Never let the enemy score points because you’re caught without a solution to the problem.
  • RULE 13: “Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it.” Cut off the support network and isolate the target from sympathy. Go after people and not institutions; people hurt faster than institutions.

Paisaje Transversal: Crónica del recorrido Espacios de Batalla

Paisaje Transversal: Crónica del recorrido Espacios de Batalla

15M «Excelente. Revulsivo. Importante» v.1.6

Paisaje Transversal: Movilización de edificios públicos vacíos: servici...

Paisaje Transversal: Movilización de edificios públicos vacíos: servici...: Por Javier Burón Cuadrado No descubro nada si digo que en España hay cientos de edificios públicos singulares sin uso alguno . Muchos d...

Naquerant Espais, proceso para la dinamización del Centro Multiusos vacío de Náquera (fuente: Paisaje Transversal)

""Pues bien, hay gente que está (estamos) en el empeño de vertebrar proyectos públicos de movilización de estos edificios singulares ociosos. Supongo que varias son las opciones, pero nosotros estamos pensando en lo siguiente:

  1. La creación de una sociedad pública tenedora del edificio ocioso.
  2. La puesta en marcha de un proceso de participación ciudadana y dinamización comunitaria para darle visibilidad social al edificio y, con ello, tratar de volver a prestigiarlo y devolverlo simbólicamente a la ciudadanía que lo pago y no lo usa.
  3. Licitar la gestión de la sociedad pública, con un modelo como el que ya describí en los artículos La empresas pública totalEl gestor integral de proyectos públicos.
  4. Utilizar el edificio con el triple propósito ya comentado: prestar servicios públicos, ser lugar de encuentro comunitario y generar ingresos adicionales para el ayuntamiento, a través de actividades económicas públicas locales (prestación de servicios deportivos, culturales, educativos, comerciales, etc.).
  5. En los casos en sea posible impulsar las actividades económicas mencionadas directamente por la sociedad pública, y con ello se viabilice económicamente el edificio, el proyecto estará ya en marcha y no necesita más elementos.
  6. Pero en muchos casos, con la mezcla de servicio público, encuentro comunitario y economía pública local no será suficiente. En estos casos, habrá que recurrir a inversores privados que pongan en marcha en estos edificios negocios susceptibles de encajar en estos edificios (aparcamiento, supermercados, hoteles, restaurantes, etc.). Pero, en nuestra filosofía de proyecto, estos negocios son concesiones de una sociedad pública que sigue siendo titular del suelo y el edificio y que llega a un acuerdo de cesión de parte de los mismos a cambio de una contraprestación económica que ayude a viabilizar el edificio. No se trata de vender, sino de ceder temporalmente para la explotación. No se trata de permitir un negocio y después no saber nada del mismo, sino de participar en sus beneficios (la contraprestación no tiene porque ser ingresada de una vez a tanto alzado, sino que puede ser un porcentaje de los beneficios del negocio privado) y, por tanto, seguir su gestión más o menos de cerca."""

Paisaje Transversal: Arquitectura Viva 145: Colectivos españoles

Paisaje Transversal: Arquitectura Viva 145: Colectivos españoles

quarta-feira, 27 de fevereiro de 2013

El “Movimento 5 stelle” ha defendido el sistema (Wu Ming) » FakePolitik

El “Movimento 5 stelle” ha defendido el sistema (Wu Ming) » FakePolitik


artículo de Wu Ming, colectivo de escritores italiano, ha sido publicado por primera vez el 25 de febrero de 2013 en el blog de Internazionale sobre las elecciones legislativas. La presente traducción ha sido llevada a cabo por @chiara_bf y @FakePolitik). - See more at: http://www.fakepolitik.net/2013/02/27/general/el-movimento-5-stelle-ha-defendido-el-sistema-wu-ming/#sthash.OJyJ6DvZ.dpuf
artículo de Wu Ming, colectivo de escritores italiano, ha sido publicado por primera vez el 25 de febrero de 2013 en el blog de Internazionale sobre las elecciones legislativas. La presente traducción ha sido llevada a cabo por @chiara_bf y @FakePolitik). - See more at: http://www.fakepolitik.net/2013/02/27/general/el-movimento-5-stelle-ha-defendido-el-sistema-wu-ming/#sthash.OJyJ6DvZ.dpuf
artículo de Wu Ming, colectivo de escritores italiano, ha sido publicado por primera vez el 25 de febrero de 2013 en el blog de Internazionale sobre las elecciones legislativas. La presente traducción ha sido llevada a cabo por @chiara_bf y @FakePolitik). - See more at: http://www.fakepolitik.net/2013/02/27/general/el-movimento-5-stelle-ha-defendido-el-sistema-wu-ming/#sthash.OJyJ6DvZ.dpuf
artículo de Wu Ming, colectivo de escritores italiano, ha sido publicado por primera vez el 25 de febrero de 2013 en el blog de Internazionale sobre las elecciones legislativas. La presente traducción ha sido llevada a cabo por @chiara_bf y @FakePolitik). - See more at: http://www.fakepolitik.net/2013/02/27/general/el-movimento-5-stelle-ha-defendido-el-sistema-wu-ming/#sthash.OJyJ6DvZ.dpuf
artículo de Wu Ming, colectivo de escritores italiano, ha sido publicado por primera vez el 25 de febrero de 2013 en el blog de Internazionale sobre las elecciones legislativas. La presente traducción ha sido llevada a cabo por @chiara_bf y @FakePolitik). - See more at: http://www.fakepolitik.net/2013/02/27/general/el-movimento-5-stelle-ha-defendido-el-sistema-wu-ming/#sthash.OJyJ6DvZ.dpuf

quarta-feira, 20 de fevereiro de 2013

Beyond Occupy: progressive activists in Europe | openDemocracy

Beyond Occupy: progressive activists in Europe | openDemocracy

Occupy is part of a wide range of subterranean movements that explore ways to complement representative democracy and empower citizenship. Some citizens want to build stronger democratic institutions: others don’t trust elected representatives any more and promote a change that starts at a local level and in daily life.

domingo, 10 de fevereiro de 2013


Propuestas de ponencias sobre la UE a las asambleas de barrios y pueblos

Propuestas de ponencias sobre la UE a las asambleas de barrios y pueblos

Palestinians establish new village-- Bab al-Shams, Gate of the Sun-- in Occupied Area E1

Palestinians establish new village-- Bab al-Shams, Gate of the Sun-- in Occupied Area E1


Un pueblo surgido de la literatura nació en Cisjordania para resistir la ocupación: El campamento de la Puerta del Sol palestina

Un pueblo surgido de la literatura nació en Cisjordania para resistir la ocupación: El campamento de la Puerta del Sol palestina

Bab Al Shams dejó de ser literatura para convertirse en realidad durante poco más de dos días. La Puerta del Sol, en su traducción literal del árabe, era sólo el título de una novela del escritor Elias Khoury que recoge voces de palestinos en el exilio, en la resistencia y en la vida diaria. Hasta que hace pocas semanas cobró vida para dar nombre a un pueblo de tiendas de campaña en medio de la nada, poblado por cientos de activistas palestinos y seguidos con atención por periodistas y diplomáticos de medio mundo.
“No permaneceremos en silencio mientras continúa la expansión de los asentamientos y la confiscación de nuestras tierras. Por la presente establecemos el pueblo de Bab Al Shams para proclamar nuestra fe en la acción directa y la resistencia popular. Declaramos que el pueblo permanecerá firme hasta que los dueños de esta tierra tengan el derecho de construir en ella”. El bando del pueblo, su declaración constituyente, podía leerse el 11 de enero en la web de la coordinadora de los Comités de Resistencia No Violenta en Palestina. Ese mismo día los líderes del movimiento habían convocado en Ramallah a simpatizantes para contarles sus planes, mantenidos hasta entonces en secreto.
Montados en un par de autobuses, los y las pioneras tomaron rumbo norte, hasta un terreno situado entre Jerusalén Este y el gran asentamiento de Maale Adumim. Un área desolada, poblada por comunidades beduinas dispersas, pero clave en la actualidad.
Se trata de la zona conocida como E1, tierras palestinas sobre las que el Gobierno israelí tiene control civil y militar, como ocurre en el 60% de Cisjordania.
El gobierno de Tel Aviv anunció a finales de noviembre la construcción de 4.000 nuevas viviendas allí tras el reconocimiento de Palestina como Estado observador no miembro en las Naciones Unidas. Una amenaza de graves consecuencias, puesto que así se partiría Cisjordania en dos y se dejaría la Jerusalén árabe prácticamente inaccesible para los palestinos.
La elección del lugar para situar Bab Al Shams en el mapa fue muy premeditada, como también lo fue el modo de hacerlo. En un par de horas se levantaron tiendas, se conectó la electricidad y se instaló una clínica de campaña. “Queríamos crear nosotros también realidades sobre el terreno”, nos explica la activista Irene Nasser. La misma táctica de los hechos consumados que emplean muchos colonos judíos: plantan sus caravanas en terrenos palestinos, creando los llamados puestos de avanzada. Son ilegales incluso para la legislación israelí, pero sus autoridades aseguran que, una vez allí, deben asistir a sus ciudadanos, dándoles protección, luz y agua y permitiendo que muchos esos puestos se conviertan en asentamientos definitivos.
La misma táctica con diferentes protagonistas, a los que después se unieron más. Las primeras fotos de Bab Al Shams, los mensajes en redes sociales y el boca a boca hicieron que decenas de palestinos se sumaran a la iniciativa, cruzando montañas a pie para sortear los puestos de control. Y es que la zona había sido declarada “zona militar cerrada”, un método habitual para restringir el movimiento en Cisjordania.
El pueblo dio la oportunidad de que muchos activistas se vieran las caras, como destaca Nasser. “Bab Al Sahms reunió a gente de muchas áreas distintas, Cisjordania, Jerusalén y 1948 (es decir, los palestinos que viven dentro del actual Israel). Entre los grandes obstáculos del movimiento de resistencia destaca la división que la ocupación provoca entre los palestinos”, explica la activista.
Estrategias no-violentas
En realidad hay otras diferencias dentro la resistencia, como los distintos enfoques acerca de la estrategia no-violenta, la relación con la clase política local o el nivel de participación de activistas israelíes y extranjeros en las protestas. Pero en el caso del pueblo, muchos se subieron al carro. Algún político palestino populista ofreció declaraciones incansablemente a los medios, a pesar de su nula implicación en el proyecto, y también lo hicieron líderes de otras organizaciones poco afines.
Rencillas aparte, los que, como Nasser, ocuparon las tiendas de campaña pensaron que iba para largo. Contaban con el beneplácito del dueño del terreno y presentaron un recurso ante los tribunales israelíes que, en teoría, les libraba de cualquier operación militar durante seis días, hasta la decisión de un juez. Pero el primer ministro israelí, Benjamin Netanyahu, en vísperas de las elecciones, expidió una orden de desalojo del pueblo alegando razones de “urgente seguridad”.
El pueblecito surgido de la nada amenazaba al potente Estado.La literatura volvió otra vez a la realidad. En la novela de Khoury, Bab Al Shams es una cueva en la que un palestino en el exilio libanés y una palestina de Galilea se encuentran tras cruzar fronteras en secreto. Los activistas quisieron que esa pareja se hiciera real para casarse, así que escenificaron una comitiva de boda para regresar días después al pueblo.La novia era una activista extremeña que nos cuenta que tuvo que correr, vestida de blanco, cuando les rodearon los soldados. El intento frustrado de repoblar Bab Al Shams acabó en arrestos y las tiendas de campaña fueron demolidas.
Confiscación de tierras
La iniciativa fue emulada a pequeña escala. Bab Al Karama, la puerta de la dignidad, fue fundada para intentar llamar la atención sobre confiscación de tierras en el norte de Jerusalén, otra aldea de tiendas de campaña surgió cerca de Hebrón. Acabaron también demolidos.
Bab Al Shams no produjo grandes resultados, la realidad en el terreno continúa siendo la del control israelí refrendado por unas elecciones generales que volvieron a dar el poder a Netanyahu y su apoyo a la expansión de asentamientos.
No han cambiado las cosas, si nos remitimos a los hechos macropolíiticos. Pero sí “ha sidouna iniciativa fundamental a nivel emocional y piscológico”, nos cuenta la activista extremeña. Después de años trabajando en Palestina, ella siente que “se rompió el ciclo de desesperanza, se recuperaron las ganas de resistir con imaginación”.“Bab Al Shams fue una experiencia única en su manera de desafiar la infraestructura de la ocupación de forma preactiva” -dice Nasser- “pero es importante recordar que no fue el principio ni el final del movimiento de resistencia popular, que fue una táctica en el marco de una estrategia mayor”.
Fuente: Periódico Diagonal - España